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Good will in national reconciliation
After negotiations with UN Special Envoy, Mr. Gambari, the ruling military regime -- the SPDC leaders agreed in principle to a dialogue with opposition leaders, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, National League for Democracy (NLD). People from all walks of people in Burma have welcomed this progress but they do not wholly trust the regime, not sure whether it is sincere about this political process.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD are ready to participate in the political dialogue with the junta any time. She also promised she is committed to pursue the path of dialogue constructively and invite the regime to join her at the negotiation table in good spirit. But till now, the regime has not officially replied as to when they will start the process of negotiation but is pressuring her to tell western countries to lift economic sanctions.
All parties involved in the conflict must keep in mind the situation of the people in the country. In Burma's modern history, the armed conflict between the central government and ethnic oppositions has been tenuous and protracted for many decades. In order to win the war and expand the army, the junta has to hold on to political power. The regime has always emphasized on the armed forces, and therefore the country and the people have never benefited. Neither did they get political the freedom and economic development they deserve.
Military leaders and their cronies will be happy and prosperous in this situation, but the majority of the people are becoming poorer and poorer. When the people suffered and were in a helpless situation, religious leaders -- Buddhist monks came out onto the streets and demanded peace and economic reforms. They pointed to the root-cause of the problems. They looked for new leaders to lead the country. This is natural. But the regime has shown zero tolerance.
When Burma's economics is in the doldrums, neighbouring countries like Thailand and Malaysia showed rapid economic progress and the people in these countries have freedom and enjoy human rights. Generals in Burma should notice these developments and end their retrograde military rule. They must admit that there was something wrong in the past and should not add to the mistakes in the future.
Enough is enough. All parties including the regime must agree that they need to genuinely involve in political dialogue. All must abandon their selfishness and personal interests. It is a time to agree on national reconciliation. All parties must show good will to engage in dialogue, and must find a 'win-win solution' for peace, unity and prosperity in Burma.
SPDC brutality and role of international community
In late September 2007, people around the world saw on TV screens how ruthlessly the Burmese military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) responded to peaceful demonstrations including respectable Buddhist monks and ordinary civilians. Although the Burmese Army troops are well known for their cruelty against the people this time the people could see the reality on TV.
Ethnic nationalities' human rights groups, pro-democracy opposition and international human rights organizations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have always reported and criticized human rights violation committed by the regime for many years. They have always documented and reported on the regime and their soldiers' involvement in extra judiciary execution, torture and inhuman treatment, arbitrary arrests and detention, conscription and forced labor, enforcement, and disappearance among other violations. Though these human rights advocates have been reported atrocities for a long time but world attention has been limited.
The people in the world are shocked at what they saw on their TV screens. Many people think Burma is a peaceful Buddhist country. Military leaders believe in Buddhism, soldiers are Buddhists, so why did they kill and ill treat Buddhist monks – who are widely respected by followers as their teachers. Why did the regime SPDC resort to violence on the streets openly at day time? It is very clear, the current military leaders will not tolerate anyone challenging their power.
Another consideration is that if the SPDC is so cruel on the streets of Rangoon, how do they behave in remote ethnic areas where there is no TV camera. Accounts of killing suspects of rebel-supporters, torture of villagers raping women, and other abuses reported by human rights groups keep pouring in.
Buddhist monks are close to the people. They know the feeling of the people, about their daily hardship and lack of freedom. The demand for democratic change and economic reform came from their hearts. Under the leadership of Buddhist monks, thousands of people poured onto the streets and joined the protests. Then, SPDC turned Rangoon into a battle field and killed demonstrators who challenged their power.
After the crackdown, the people's power has weakened. Protest leaders have been killed and detained. Many of them faced torture and secret capital punishment. Additionally, the soldiers raided the monasteries and beat and arrested the monks. How did a peaceful Buddhist country turn into a killing field?
This is a challenge for international community to push Burma for change. People's desires (not from the SPDC organized rallies) are very clear. They need genuine democracy and economic reform. The world community must coordinate and find a way to end bloodshed in Burma. They need to push the junta to start a dialogue. The people in Burma humbly wait for democracy and better life.
SPDC's zero tolerance on democratization
Serial protests led by 88 generation students and Buddhist monks in cities of Burma, to roll back fuel prices, had supporters of the ruling military regime – the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) – ruthlessly cracking down on peaceful and disciplined protesters. Hundreds of demonstrators have been arrested and put in jails.
In the rigidly controlled SPDC media, the regime keeps releasing propaganda about 'creating a modernized and disciplined democracy' in the country with its '7-point roadmap'. But when there is a demonstration on the streets over fuel price hike, the regime's tolerance level is extremely low.
The demonstration has tested the tolerance of the military regime. In any democratic country or in a country which plans to move forward towards democratization peaceful demonstrations are always allowed. The people are allowed to practice freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of peaceful protests. These are all basic democratic principles and basic rights of the people.
The people have the right to demonstrate if they are unhappy with the government's political agenda and social and economic policies which could affect their lives. When the fuel price was increased to between 100 and 500 percent, people from all walks of life in Burma were affected. Since the oppression against the people intensified, ordinary people did not start the protests. It was the 88 Generation Students, who took to the streets over the fuel price increase and the consequent food and commodity price rise. They led the protests against the fuel price hike and a few hundred demonstrators followed.
All the demonstrations were peaceful. All the protesters walked on the streets of cities and demanded that the fuel prices be reduced. They did not demand the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and they had no intention of removing the regime from power. They just expressed what was affecting the lives of the people in the country because of the regime's fuel pricing policy.
But the regime showed little tolerance towards student leaders and protesters. Regime supporters or its puppet organizations - like members of Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and Swann Arr Shin Group – came down heavily and aggressively on the demonstrators, put them in trucks and offered them to regime authorities. Currently, hundreds of peaceful demonstrators are in detention.
The regime intends to put them on trail and send them away for long-term in prison. They have said in their controlled media that some foreign countries are involved and are encouraging the demonstrators to create a situation akin to the 1988 Pro-democracy uprising. By blaming them of political crimes they can imprison activists for many years.
Looking at these evidences, it is difficult to believe the SPDC's promise to establish disciplined democracy in Burma. Even for a small demonstration, the regime does not show its tolerance and cracked down ruthlessly on the protesters. The people in Burma and the international community are unlikely to believe what the SPDC has to say about ushering in democracy. Pressure needs to put on the junta persistently and consistently until genuine democracy is in place in Burma.
SPDC's aggressive restrictions reveal its cowardice
It is becoming abundantly clear that the ruling Burmese military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is not only apprehensive of political movements but is also afraid of the widespread activities by social organizations. Growth of self-help organizations do not cause any harm to the regime's power. Then why should the military junta be in mortal fear of such social activities and organizations?
The oppressive military regime has banned over a dozen self-founded social organizations in Rangoon (the former capital of Burma) including some groups supporting and aiding people during funerals. Many poor families are dependent on such voluntary service. Many organizations have come up in keeping with Burmese traditions and Lord Buddha's teaching, to help each other, sympathize with the poor, and give donation to have-nots.
Similarly, the regime has imposed new restrictions on 'Ethnic Literature and Culture Associations which were founded nearly four decades ago with the simple and basic objective of preserving 'ethnic literature and culture'. These organizations are registered and they have provided details of their non-political activities to the ruling junta. Recently when about four Mon literature and culture associations wanted to renew their registration, they were refused, which meant they cannot conduct their activities any longer.
It is crystal clear that the SPDC is also afraid of 'social' and 'religious' congregation of people. The military bars these social gatherings that are held according to tradition. They are worried that political activities will be laced with social and religious activities or conversely these activities will be used by political activists.
But people belonging to social and religious groups will not stop such gathering, simply because they are not involved in political movements and are only interested in preserving their tradition. The SPDC authorities and its intelligence apparatus closely watch these activities. They have also issued orders to closely monitor activities of university students just a month ago.
The military dictators are a worried lot. They view with suspicion all kinds of people, from a Buddhist monk to a social worker, and believe these people are a threat to their power structure. It is like a man who is in mortal fear of his own dark shape.
Steeped in paranoia, the regime believes it is surrounded by enemies. They believe Buddhist monks, women, social workers, preachers are their enemies. These uncalled fears goad them into imposing new restrictions against all social and religious activities. The minds of the SPDC's military generals are the stuff of the gutter.
As Burma's democratic icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi once said the military leaders are not free of fear. As long as they are afraid, they will cling to power for as long as possible, by any means. Many ordinary people are thus seriously compromised because of the mindless suppression of the military generals in Burma.
Buddhist New Year does not usher in new era
Come mid-April, people in Burma, including Mon people in the southern part of the country celebrate the Buddhist New Year by making merry in monasteries and spraying and splashing water on each other on the streets. It's the time of the year when people forget their plight, their pain, poverty and unemployment. They wallow in the water festival.
But most families in both urban and rural areas are believers in Buddhism and want to donate in this occasion with the expectation of gaining Nirvana or settlement of the cycled life of a human being, accordingly to Buddhist teaching. The people believe that the more Dana (donation or making merit) one does, the closer he is to Nirvana.
However, most poverty stricken people cannot find money and resources to spend and donate on the New Year. They feel, accept and blame their Kama or the acts of their past lives that have made them poor in this life. It means that because in the past lives, they were reluctant to make Dana, they have become poor in this life. Most blame their past lives and very few of them consider the appalling mismanagement of the socio-economic situation in Burma by the military regime.
The government authorities and commanders of the Burmese Army were widely involved in making donations to Buddhist monks which were broadcast in state controlled TV and other media. But the general people who are also believers in Buddhism did not have much of a chance to do so in the monasteries, though many of them also dreamt of making appropriate donations. But they have no money, resources and property to do so.
Under military rule for over four decades, the people in Burma have faced a steadily deteriorating economic situation and rising unemployment. Many people in most cities in Burma find it hard to get jobs and earn regular incomes for their and their family's survival at a time when prices of essential commodities are soaring. This is mainly why the people in Burma cannot enjoy and in an appropriate way arrange for Dana to Buddha.
In the past, grandparents explained to grandchildren that they had sufficient money and resources to donate, unlike in the current situation. The people had plenty of rice and crops to sell and collected money for Dana and arranged ceremonies.
But now under the military regime, people face many difficulties in donating during New Year. The people have no idea of the prosperity of other Buddhist countries like Thailand and China. It is a matter of sorrow that they blame their Kama or their past lives not the bad governance by a corrupt military junta.
SPDC continues to challenge international community
Whenever there is pressure to abandon its nuclear programme, the North Korean government under the dictatorship of Kim Sung II, threatens its neighbour with its nuclear weapons. The Burmese military regime does the same in challenging the world.
The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) may think the example of North Korean government is a good one for them. It has constantly denied every accusation of the international community – such as its bad record of human rights, humanitarian crisis, restriction on international access to the needy people, among others.
Recently, the SPDC adopted a new policy to restrict the activities of international organizations including the international NGOs and UN Agencies. SPDC’s think-tank led by U Thaung, a chief advisor to Sr. Gen. Than Shwe, has issued a guidance to international NGOs and UN agencies to seek permission whenever they travel and are instructed to be accompanied by SPDC authorities and members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). USDA is a puppet organization of the SPDC.
UNDP and other UN Agencies have said that the new restriction would affect them in their travel and programme operations. A well-known French medical agency, Medicins San Frontiers (MSF) and Global Fund that fought for three main diseases in Burma left the country after they could not run their programmes.
This March, the International Committee of the Red Cross also faced a similar restriction. ICRC has a good track record in its past work of visiting various prisons in Burma and providing protection to the people in war zones in areas like Shan State, Karen State and Mon State. ICRC told the media that ‘the ICRC’s humanitarian work in Burma has now reached near-paralysis’. It also means ICRC needs to consider halting some of its activities in some areas.
It is also reported that ICRC decided to close two of its main offices, one in Moulmein (the capital of Mon State) and the other in Keng Tung (eastern Shan State). These two offices are important for ICRC and the people who suffered from the armed conflict in Mon State, Karen State and Shan State. ICRC also expressed that ‘living and security condition for civilians in sensitive border areas remain a real concern’.
It is evident that there has been no improvement following the visit of UN Under-Secretary Mr. Gambari who met SPDC leaders. Soon after the UN Mission visit, the SPDC extended the house arrest of pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by a year. Later it set more and more restriction against international NGOs and UN Agencies. It also means that ‘SPDC has never cared for the international community’.
Therefore, on behalf of the suffering people of Burma, we urge the UN and international community to do more to improve the situation in Burma. They should not pay just ‘lip service’ but in an appropriate way make the SPDC respect the role of the international community.
International community must act to stem humanitarian crisis
Whether the ruling Burmese military regime, going by the name of State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), accepts it or not, the general population in Burma including ethnic people have had no peace and their living standards have not improved in keeping with the government’s slogans.
The people are desperate for peace because they have never seen it in their lives. Civil war, political conflict and human rights violations have been protracted and these heaped constant suffering on them. They have not found the meaning of peace for two generations over 50 years.
“Development” is just a propaganda in the SPDC State controlled media. There is neither peace nor development only a series of humanitarian crisis in Burma and along its border with neighbouring countries. Hundreds of thousands of refugees are in the neighbouring countries. There are a million displaced persons due to the conflict; education and health care standards have touched zero; there is massive unemployment in cities and rural communities; people are suffering from human rights violations including sexual violence against women.
This is real humanitarian crisis. UN and government agencies in Burma ( Myanmar according to SPDC) have approached and talked to the SPDC about the ongoing crisis. But they say the SPDC does not want to listen to them and are bent on ignoring the plight of the people.
As international organizations do not have full access to various parts of Burma , thousands of displaced ethnic people have to escape from their homes and many of them face food-shortage, no access to health care and water and suffer from human rights abuses committed by SPDC. Limited cross-border assistance from some relief agencies from neighbouring countries are insufficient for the displaced population.
Lack of economic development and lack of trust (for the SPDC) regarding foreign investments in Burma creates unemployment for the people who live in SPDC controlled areas. With limited income many families, almost over 80 percent of Burma ’s population, is steeped in poverty. Many of them face problems of ‘food security’ and ‘access to health care’. Diseases related to malnutrition, malaria, tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS and others are rampant among the people.
The Burmese military regime, the SPDC, have applied more and more restrictions on international NGOs and UN agencies in their travels and implementation of their programmes. Without assistance from the international community, the people in Burma will face mounting problems relating to education, health care and source of livelihood.
Therefore, people in Burma desperately need humanitarian assistance from international organizations as much as possible to reduce their suffering and allow them to survive.
Shake of ceasefire and prepare for prolonged suffering
After the SPDC commanders and troops visited the New Mon State Party’s General Headquarters in October, many Mon people in Monland and overseas asked how long the NMSP-SPDC ceasefire will last.
Although the visiting commander’s reason was to conduct land survey to measure the borderline, many Mon analysts and political leaders believe it was a ‘threat’ by SPDC to the NMSP for not cooperating in the Nyaunghnapin’s National Convention (NC). Nyaunghnapin
NMSP and other ceasefire allies have demanded basic power separation in the NC in 2005 and the proposal was totally rejected. Therefore, it believes that sending full representatives to NC is likely to be construed as supporting the SPDC’s military dominated draft constitution and therefore it has just been ‘observing’ which does not mean supporting or rejecting or signing the draft constitution.
It was a challenging decision for the NMSP while many of its ceasefire allies have attended the NC as full representatives. It also means NMSP is firmly standing by its ultimate political stance for the establishment of a democratic federal union of Burma that guarantees racial rights to ethnic people.
Although it is not openly spoken about, SPDC does not like NMSP’s political stance. As a result, the ceasefire group is under threat. NMSP also announced as long as its armed faction – the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) is in existence or if the SPDC does not threaten to abolish their party and armed force, they will stick to the ‘ceasefire agreement’.
According to the SPDC’s 7-points roadmap, and after drafting the constitution and holding a referendum, it will hold an election. Whether the election is free and fair or not, SPDC will keep moving towards its political process, and additionally it will consolidate its armed forces. In this it will have a ‘say’ to those ceasefire groups to lay down their arms.
If there is no political dialogue to solve the armed conflict, the sad history of Burma will return. Civil war along with fighting and human rights abuses will ravage the country.
If the NMSP-SPDC’s over 10-year long ceasefire breaks up, over 40,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) of the NMSP ceasefire agreement will have no choice except to flee. Over 500,000 local Mon people will be in the conflict zone. Similarly, the plight of millions of other ethnic groups will be the same if fighting breaks out throughout Burma.
It is necessary that no armed group including the Burmese Army starts anything to set Burma aflame and allow a civil war. It is a time to talk and compromise for a peace as a gift to the people of Burma . The people are loudly demanding peace from the bottom of their hearts. They want to sleep well in their homes and enjoy their family life and no one wants to flee from their homes as refugees, displaced persons and migrant workers.
The SPDC should notice that our world has changed since the pro-democracy uprising in 1988. Many countries have chosen the path of economic development after cold war and extended business cooperation in the age of globalization. But Burma is left behind and the neighbouring countries have exploited our national resources illegitimately.
Since the racial equality or unity of all races in Burma is the main cause of political problems, it is a time to solve it with genuine willingness. This is the need of the hour.
Rev.Uttama: A symbol of Thai-Mon relations
IMNA
When he came for the funeral ceremony of the great Mon leader, and well-respected Buddhist monk, Rev. Uttama, Thailand’s Prime Minister, Mr. Sarayud Chulanont said ‘Thais and Mons are not distant cousins.’
His comment is a reflection of the long relation between Mon and Thais over decades, where they have protected each other under the influence of Buddhism and guidance of Buddhist monks.
Going back in history, despite Mons and Thais being close neighbours there has been no war between them whereas many a time Burmese kings attacked Thailand over the past five centuries. In the course of history, many times Mon people helped Thais in protecting Thailand. Again there have been numerous occasions when Thai people granted refuge to the Mon community who fell in battle with stronger Burmese kings and had to escape to Thailand.
The cousins have shared their literature, culture and customs in the past. They have lived in harmony and have had harmonious relations helping build a great civilization such as Thailand. Mon communities have been allowed to set up monasteries in Thailand. Mon heritage is maintained in various Mon communities in Thailand.
Among the Mon leaders who helped and cooperated with Thai leaders, was Rev. Uttama, a well-known leader of our time. Rev. Uttama took refuge in Thailand during civil war in Burma. He founded a place in Thailand’s border to give refuge to Mons and other ethnic people who fled from Burma due to systematic persecution by the Burmese military authorities.
When he lived in Thailand, his passion extended to lending support for community development. Monasteries, bridges, schools, and hospitals came up with donations he made which in turn he received from his followers from all walks of life. His followers were in the Thai military brass, companies, business houses and public servants. They provided him with the support he needed.
He was a respected religious leader among both Mons and Thais for over four decades. After he passed away, Mon people in Thailand lost a leader and a protector. But after being assured of further protection for Mon people by the Thai Prime Minister, their desire to live in Thailand has risen.
National Convention cannot usher in genuine reconciliation (Online editorial)
Come mid-October 2006, Burma’s military rulers, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) will continue with the world’s longest national meeting -- the National Convention (NC) by inviting its hand-picked representatives and ethnic representatives from ceasefire groups.
The SPDC has been using the National Convention to hoodwink the international community for far too long and trying to impress upon it that it is moving towards democratic reforms ---gradually and carefully. It is a lie of gigantic proportions. If the SPDC wants genuine democratic reforms, the democrats or the democratic opposition groups need to be involved in the convention.
SPDC’s propaganda centres around the ‘national unity’ being essential. It says only the military can hold on to it for decades. It is a road to ‘national reconciliation’ according to the SPDC. This is the second lie. Because they have been under a lot of pressure from the international community and the United Nations to work towards ‘national reconciliation’ and they need to perform to the world. But the reconciliation the SPDC is talking about is different from the reconciliation the opposition, ethnic people, the international community and the UN would like to see.
According to a UN Assembly resolution, all parties -- the military SPDC, the democratic opposition and ethnic nationalities must be involved in a ‘tri-partite’ negotiation and only then there can be genuine ‘national reconciliation’ in Burma.
Consequently, the SPDC’s National Convention cannot solve the ‘conflict problem’ and move towards fruitful national reconciliation with its limited ‘hand-picked’ representatives. The genuine ethnic representatives from CRPP (Committee for Representing People’s Parliament), ethnic political parties which were involved in the 1990 elections, some ceasefire groups (like the New Mon State Party and Shan State Army – North) and the non-ceasefire groups (like Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Shan State Army – South, among others) who are directly involved in political and armed conflict have not been invited.
However, the SPDC plans to continue its forced reconciliation process through its sham NC and wishes to finalize a Constitution that guarantees ‘the rights’ to the Burmese Army to rule the country for a longer period without contesting democratic elections. Genuine reconciliation cannot be the result of the NC. Reconciliation among all SPDC-supporters and its hand-picked representatives is not the final answer to the international community.
Finally, the conflict in Burma will continue whether it is large or small scale. The people will be continuously oppressed and democratic reforms will be ignored in the new constitution, which is what the NC is all about.
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